From:
By Nikos Sverkos
In politics, whoever can better
influence the international media to push forward their views has the upper
hand, say political communications insiders. And this isn’t just the case
during election campaigns: in the European Union, decision-making power depends
not only on the size of a given player’s economy, but also on how it deals with
international media.
It’s no secret that in Brussels lies
a well-oiled media machine, which can distribute information to all major media
outlets across the continent in a matter of hours. The machine, which has risen
in influence since the financial crisis broke in 2008, operates on the basis of
maintaining the anonymity of journalists’ sources that feed it; one of the
sacred principles of journalistic ethics.
However, here this principle of
anonymity is also used to protect the Brussels media machine itself and
ensuring it remains hidden from public view. No journalist in the Belgian
capital is prepared to risk their job to expose how the system works, thus
preserving a ‘code of silence’ around it.
The hard core
The most influential group in the
Brussels media machine is made up of the euro zone’s ‘hard core’ bloc. This
means the Permanent Representation of Germany, located in Brussels, and
assisted by political and financial satellite countries of Germany: Spain,
Portugal, Slovakia and the Baltic states (among which, Latvia currently holds
the EU presidency). France and Italy have clearly less influence and access in
this system.
In terms of collection and distribution
of news, the main players in the system are the three major European-level
media outlets: the agencies Reuters and Bloomberg, and the Financial Times
newspaper. Whatever this group reports, all other media outlets in Europe rush
to reproduce. Thus – intentionally or not – articles published by the group are
spread widely.
Information that enters the Brussels
media machine comes from three sources: people working inside the EU
bureaucracy who monitor critical meetings (interpreters as well as civil
servants), the politicians themselves (or their aides) and senior officials of
the European institutions. These sources are used to satisfy the need for
timely, exclusive coverage of news events, which makes journalists extremely
competitive in pursuing information on what is discussed during these meetings.
The most common means of
communication from these sources to journalists is SMS. When it comes to more
detailed leaks though, journalists from the three main media players (together
with others from mostly German and British outlets) are invited to an
unofficial press conference and briefed. This has been the case for the past
few months.
In these meetings, the person doing
the briefing is very often an official that also works at the European Commission’s
Spokesperson’s Service. Of German origin, this man sets aside EU etiquette as
well as the theoretical neutrality of his professional position.
A recent example that highlights how
well this system functions was in Riga, during the recent Eurogroup meeting. On
April 23, Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis participated in a dinner with
his colleagues, in order to prepare the issues for the forthcoming meeting.
Everything proceeded normally. But the following day, the media ‘revealed’
highly aggressive rhetoric against Varoufakis from his colleagues during the
Eurogroup meeting itself.
The alien
That same senior official of the European Commission, moments after the
conclusion of the Eurogroup meeting, invited eight journalists for the ‘established’
daily informal press conference. “There was a lot of anger towards the Greek
delegation,” a Brussels-based journalist, who asked to remain anonymous, told
us. “When we asked about Mr Varoufakis’ position in the meeting, the official
said ‘The guy lives on another planet’, and made derogatory gestures. This
isn’t something we’ve seen before – neither from EU officials nor this
particular person.”
An identical ‘update’ was given by
two further EU officials, one working for the Eurogroup and one from a
diplomatic mission of a Southern European country. “They were equally
aggressive; trying to present Mr Varoufakis as an ‘alien’”, said the
journalist, who was present during these discussions. “When we got to the heart
of the matter concerning the Greek economy, the ‘sources’ refused to say any
more. They just blamed Varoufakis.” These briefings were followed by tough
statements from various ministers, echoing the German government's point of
view.
This specific information about the
events of the Eurogroup meeting in Riga was published in all three
aforementioned major media outlets, giving the impression of a war-like
atmosphere at the meeting and breaking the unwritten rule of maintaining a
professional distance from harsh words. Following these events, the Greek
delegation decided for Varoufakis to not attend the planned dinner on the
evening of April 24, to express his displeasure with the way his colleagues
treated him and Greece. However, the ‘aggression’ from ministers, EU officials
and the media did not subside. On the contrary, Reuters presented Varoufakis as
“isolated”, simply because he did not attend the dinner, without asking for a
statement from the Greek side. They also commented on Varoufakis’ decision not
to wear a tie.
The go-ahead for this latest smear
campaign was given by SMS, from a German official to a journalist at one of the
three major media outlets. The journalist in question then called some of his
sources in Athens in order to warn them what was coming.
The wall
During the Eurogroup meetings last February, the Greek government tried to
breach the seemingly impenetrable ‘media wall’ being built around it. “The fact
that the draft of Jeroen Dijsselbloem’s ‘decision’ was leaked by the Greek
delegation, which essentially subverted debate on it, outraged many people in
Brussels,” the journalist told us. “War was declared, and from that point on,
the Greek positions were repeatedly leaked to Peter Spiegel of the Financial
Times,” he added.
“Will Mr Varoufakis be able to
survive the pressure?” asked the journalist. “At least Mr Tsipras still trusts
him,” we replied.
“Then inform them in Greece, both the
government and the people, that they can expect even more of these attacks,” he
said.
(Originally published in Greek in I
Efimerida Ton Syntakton ; Translated byDionisis Antonopoulos ; Edited
by Mehran Khalili )
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